Lloyd L. Lee, Ph.D.
Native American Studies
University of New Mexico
triplel@unm.edu
Naat’áanii in an Era of Colonialism
The Navajo (Diné) word naat’áanii is used to signify Diné men and women who areplanners, orators, and community leaders. If you translate the word into theEnglish language, it roughly means orator, speaking to and for the people. Theword also refers to leader yet the depth of this word and context is morespecific and honored. Diné peoples use the word naat’áanii whenreferring to chairmen, presidents, council delegates, and chapter officials. Whilethe word itself does not designate an individual a naat’áanii, the wordis acknowledged as a distinct title.1 In the creation narratives,certain entities held this recognition such as ![ts4 Hastiin (First Man), ![ts4Asdz33 (First Woman), and the Hashch’47 Dine’4 (Holy People). Later, mountainlion, bear, and coyote were bestowed as naat’áanii.2 Theywere chosen because they demonstrated certain characteristics and abilities. However,none of them were dependable. Mountain lion was too lazy, bear got angry tooeasily and quickly, and coyote was too mischievous and dishonest. Later, humanswere recognized as naat’áaniis.
A naat’áanii has a heavy burdento carry and he or she must always think of the people first and not his/herown wants. These individuals have a lifelong commitment to the safety and welfareof the people. Their spouses are also committed. Naat’áaniis carry certain knowledgeand experience; their lives are defined by their services. They negotiate,teach, and mediate for the people. In turn, the people trust their leadership. Naat’áaniis are never alone and they never disrespect nor dishonor the peopleand Diné way of life.
In contemporary times, quite afew Navajo men and some women are called naat’áanii even though theirrecognition came from a different process; by electoral means foreign to Diné historyand traditions. Diné leadership, specifically the word naat’áanii, hasa deep and honored significance for the people. The deep and honored understandinghas become standardized when in fact it is not conventional. The word is supposedto be rarely used in everyday conversation and only in formal settings do thepeople acknowledge the distinct title. In the creation narratives, stories onhow First Man, First Woman, and the Hashch’éi Dine’é governed and their experiencesdealing with challenges helped develop the leadership institutions needed tomaintain security and wellness.
In the first known realm of life, {a’7 Naaghai, the first entity, known by several other names organized otherentities and assigned them roles. ![ts4 Hastiin, ![ts4 Asdz33, Dzi[ Asdz11n,T0 Asdz11n, Chaha[hee[, Hayoolk11[, Haashch’44[ti’7, Haashch’44’owaan,Naad3’1[gaii Ashkii, Naad3’1[gaii At’44d, T1d7d77n Ashkii, Anilt’1n77 At’44d,S1’2h Naagh47 Ashkii, and Bik’eh H0zh00n At’44d became naat’áanii. In thefirst world, First Man and First Woman were created along with white, yellow,blue, and black light. These lights represent order to the universe. The whitelight is representative of the process of thought and planning, blue theimplementation and actualization of planning, yellow is life and the learningexperience of planning and implementation, and black symbolizes re-evaluationof the planning, implementation and experience with the hope for achievement.3
This order/organization in turnbecame the foundation for ![tsé Hastiin, ![tsé Asdz33, Hashch’47 Dine’4, and allhuman leadership. This foundation for human leadership is led by women andimplemented by men. Diné women and men work together as a complementarypartnership. This partnership is in all aspects of life. For instance, themale is embodied in Y1di[hi[, darkness of the sky, and the female is Ni’hasdz11n,the earth.4 This order resulted in the development of h0zh==j7 andnaay44’j7, established systems of wellness and protection ceremonies. Theybecame the tools through which happy and prosperous life experiences aremaintained and through which naat’áaniis governed and maintained social andpolitical order.5
White Shell Woman and her twinsons inaugurated h0zh==j7 and naay44’j7. These two healing and protectionceremonies are key mechanisms by which the naat’áanii lead, protect, plan andmaintain and restore life.6 White Shell Woman experienced theh0zh==j7 ceremony upon her entrance into womanhood. This ceremony emphasizespeace, life, balance, happiness, and family. This ceremony is the backbone to wellness.
The twin sons did not know whotheir father was but eventually White Shell Woman revealed to them their fatherwas the Sun. The twins insisted they visit him. Several people includingtheir mother warned them against this; yet they persisted to see him. Theyovercame many dangers and challenges along the way with the help from others. They asked for their father’s assistance in destroying the evil monsters on theearth. At the time, several monsters roamed the earth terrorizing the people. The Sun with great reluctance gave the twins weapons, special prayers, andsongs to help his sons destroy the monsters. The twins destroyed most of themonsters except for hunger, thirst, sleep, lice, indolent poverty, old age, anddeath.
The twins exploits introducedNaay44’j7 Nahagh1, dangerous way, to the earth and humans. While White ShellWoman inspired peace and wellness, her twin sons mirrored a means of protectionand a system to manage dangers and evil in the world. These two ceremonies helpthe naat’áanii lead. They also provide the people a way to mediate betweengood and bad in the world and help maintain a way of life. Male and female naat’áaniiare entrusted with the knowledge, wisdom, and power of both ceremonies. Theyare to lead and govern following the instructions within the healing and curingsystems. In the h0zh==j7, the naat’áanii needs to know precisely the protocolfor the conduction of the ceremony, the words to sing, how a patient andcommunity must behavior, what earth elements to use in the ceremony, whatlessons are to be taught from the stories, prayers, and songs, and to ensurewellness and happiness for the patient and all participants. In the naay44’j7,the naat’1anii works to ensure all objectives are meant, similar to a hózh==j7,including restoring order and security to the patient and community.
White Shell Woman created fourDiné clans, or peoples. She told the peoples they had relatives to the east sothe peoples set out to find them. The peoples took with them corn pollen,tobacco, canes, pipes, guardian pets, and other items. The peoples along theirjourney interacted with other peoples. This interaction increased thepopulation. The adoptions of new peoples required leaders to guide, provide,and protect. The knowledge of the h0zh==j7 and naay44’j7 helped the naat’áaniicarry out their tasks.
The powers imbedded in thenarratives, prayers, chants, and ceremonies aided the naat’áanii in bringingphysical and spiritual sustenance and protecting the peoples against the manyforms of danger on the earth. This knowledge allowed access to the energies,forces, controlling life forms, and natural phenomena. It allowed naat’áaniito interact with the Hashch’éí Dine’é and to ask for their guidance andprotection.
Historical Diné leadership wasconcentrated in extended families. Diné extended families were independentfrom each other mostly due to difference in clans and location. The fundamentalpolitical entity was called a “natural community” comprised of ten to fortyfamilies.7 Naat’áaniis led only the families comprising the naturalcommunity. Naat’áaniis could not extend their authority over other naturalcommunities. Diné society did not have a central naat’áanii. Diné naturalcommunities had a well-understood leadership organization. Besides naat’áanii,maternal heads, uncles, warriors, medicine people including a hataa[ii(medicine woman/man) and nideilniihii (diagnostician) lived in the naturalcommunity.
Naat’áaniis were recognized asleading the natural community. However, the eldest grandmother on the maternalside of the family was well-respected and sought for advice and perspectivewhen critical issues arose. The uncle on the maternal side of the family alsowas important particularly when it came to the discipline of the young men inthe families. Warriors protected the community although they were notleaders. They were young men and women who did not have the cultural knowledgeor experience to fulfill the role of a naat’áanii. The hataa[ii andnideilniihii were key to maintaining the community’s spiritual wellness. Theseindividuals all represent a part of the leadership organization within thenatural community. A naat’áanii spoke on behalf of the community and proposeda plan for the people’s prosperity.
The role of the naat’áanii is amost sacred responsibility and obligation so they are chosen carefully. Sometimes, a naat’áanii was chosen at birth or before or the families prayedfor a naat’áanii to be born. The families could also choose a Naat’áanii. Thechoosing of a naat’áanii was done very carefully and not without detailconsiderations.
Families relied upon the hastóí(elder men) and hataa[iis for guidance, advice, and support when choosing anaat’áanii. This trust between the naat’áanii and the people was recognized bythe phrase “k’ad n7l11h bee nah1[ah.” This phrase translates into English as,“now go minister with it.”8 This phrase acknowledges the gravity andsanctity of the position. The person immediately has a tremendous amount ofresponsibility and obligation. She or he is always constant and visible amongthe people. A naat’áanii is always available and his or her thoughts and actionsmust be clear. Until Diné peoples speak this phrase can the individual beaddressed as a naat’áanii.
Naat’áaniis learned their duties,responsibilities, and obligations through training and elders. The trainingincluded the ability to settle discord. Naat’áaniis spoke with a good heart sopeople could listen and respect them. They needed to know K’é and how to useK’é in a proper and appropriate manner regarding conflicts, disagreements,arguments, and jealousy.
K’é is a relationship systemdesigned to help Diné peoples understand how they are related to each other, tonature, to the earth, and to the universe. This system teaches humans how tobe respectful and thoughtful to others, to animals, to insects, to the earth,to the moon and sun, and to all living entities. Women and men naat’áanii hadto live by the principles of love, commitment, patience, fortitude, compassion,intelligence, courage, honesty, physical ability, and strong ethics. Theseattributes revealed a woman or man’s potential to work for the security andhappiness of the community. Without these attributes, an individual would failresulting in abuse and negligence among the peoples.
The Navajo Nation was and is madeup of a diverse group of peoples. Over seventy different clans comprise thenation and this diversity is reflected in the historical government structure:the naachid. The naachid was a regional gathering of twenty-four naat’áanii,twelve of whom are H00zh==j7 naat’áanii (peace leaders) and the other twelveare Naay44’j7 naat’áanii (war leaders). The naachid usually began afterharvest and went until the springtime. At the naachid, internal matters forthe region were discussed. During years of peace, the twelve peace leaderspresided over the meetings and in times of war, the war leaders led. H00zh==j7naat’áanii and Naay44’j7 naat’áanii were separate. No individual could holdboth positions. The character and knowledge of the individual determined ifthe person became H00zh==j7 naat’áanii or Naay44’j7 naat’áanii. Theseindividuals held the positions for life, relatives or offspring did not inheritthem.
Naachid literally means in theEnglish language, “to gesture.”9 Naachid is a ritual designed to addressa particular concern, crisis of an urgent need, or to take action for thepurpose of survival. Naat’áaniis came together to discuss, debate, anddetermine an action affecting large sections of natural communities. Trained naat’áaniitook part in the discussion, debate, and decision. The naachid always ended withthe naayéé’ji bihózh==, Blessing Way of the fearing time.10
During discussion on a matter, adecision would be made and either the peace or war naat’áanii would attend tothe mission. The other group would stay at the location until the group carryingout the mission returned. The group carrying out the mission would return,report and reveal the results. For instance, if the war leaders went out tohunt deer or other game animals, the hunters would bring back the meat anddistribute it to all. The naachid was held at various intervals depending onthe need of the communities and how critical the situation was for them. Thelast know naachid took place right before Christopher “Kit” Carson’s scorched-earthcampaign to “round up” Diné peoples in 1863.11
Besides the naachid, other formsof collective gatherings took place, bringing naat’áaniis together. They cametogether to discuss numerous domestic matters including drought, farming,building homes, trading, gathering salt and other necessary items, pubertyceremonies for girls and boys, negotiations with non-Diné neighbors, and manyother issues.12 Male and female naat’áaniis participated in these gatherings. Several women naat’áaniis rose to important positions or were highlyinfluential. For example, a woman known as !sdz33 Naat’11h spoke eloquentlyand had a tremendous amount of influence.13 Other Diné women alsohad prominent positions within their communities.
Leadership requirements were notbased on gender. A person’s intellectual competence and oratorical abilities indicatedhis or her leadership potential. Naat’áaniis needed to have a spiritual baseand stand on strong principles; they must be committed and willing to contributecompletely to the people. Gender had nothing to do with determining a naat’áanii. In fact, the creation narratives show Diné women must be included in thegoverning process as active participants.14 Diné women were alwayspresent and provided integral perspectives on the planning, debates, anddecision-making processes.15
The primary features of a naat’áanii were permanent availability, lifetimecommitment, and a commitment to open oratorical leadership. The Holy Peopleleft gifts, knowledge, and wisdom with the Diné and the naat’áanii wasinstrumental to a community’s sustainability. Naat’áanii answered to both thepeoples and the Hashch’éí Dine’é and were instructed on how to conduct theirbehavior properly. The naat’áanii, naachid, and the concept of governance (nahatá)provided the peoples with the means to live in this world. Changes to Diné thoughtand way of life particularly the Long Walk in the 1860s, livestock reduction inthe 1930s, and western education altered how the peoples understood leadershipand governance.
Era of Colonialism
From 1863 to 1868, thousands ofDiné peoples were “rounded up” and imprisoned at Bosque Redondo in southeasternNew Mexico. Over a thousand Diné peoples died from starvation, disease,heartache, and warfare during this time. After spending over four years at theprison camp, the government negotiated a treaty with the peoples. In theTreaty of 1868, a federal reservation was established and the peoples wereallowed to return home.
From 1868 to the 1930s, federalagents had autocratic control of the reservation. Agents recognized andappointed “chiefs” up until the 1890s; the Secretary of Interior confirmed theselections. For example, agent D. M. Riordan designated Henry Chee Dodge “HeadChief of Navajo Tribe” on April 19, 1884.16 Prior to Chee’sdesignation, Manuelito and Ganado Mucho were recognized as the main leaders. Agents also established regional councils in the early 1900s: Moqui in 1899(renamed Hopi agency in 1923), Tuba City in 1901 (renamed to Western NavajoAgency in 1923), Fort Defiance in 1903 (renamed Southern Navajo Agency in1927), Shiprock in 1903 (renamed San Juan Agency in 1923), Pueblo Bonito in1907 (renamed Eastern Navajo Agency in 1927), and Leupp in 1908.17These regional councils were designed for the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) toeffectively govern the Navajo reservation. These councils, while recognizingand acknowledging local officials and naat’áaniis, were the beginning of thecreation of a western governing body for Diné peoples.
In 1923, the Department of Interior (DOI) established a “business council”, consisting of twelve delegatesand twelve alternates representing the five Navajo agency towns.18 HerbertJ. Hagerman, special DOI commissioner to the Navajo reservation, presided overthe “business council.” The council’s primary duty was to approve oil andother mineral leases. The first tribal council, organized and controlled by theDOI, marks one of the first steps towards a centralize government system for theNavajo reservation. All twelve delegates and alternates were men.
Along with a western centralizedgovernment, the BIA implemented a chapter house system. Superintendant ofLeupp Agency John G. Hunter created the chapter house system in the 1920s. Thechapter house system was fed into pre-existing, local socio-politicalstructures (core extended family units functioned as the basic unit).19 Thechapter house system acknowledged local leaders in the communities but theelectoral process changed how the community chose its leadership. The majority-rulesconcept and the democratically elected system became the new way to chooseleaders.
The chapter house was designed tocreate an efficient and unified government utilizing cultural mechanisms ofrecognizing leaders in the communities. While chapter houses were establishedin areas where trading posts were stationed or in areas where families broughttheir livestock to dip or to sell to traders, the chapter house focused onwestern leadership systems. Chapter houses elected a president,vice-president, treasurer, and secretary. These positions were new to thepeople. How they governed was not necessarily new and how they were electedrelied heavily on persuasive abilities and oratory skills in order to fulfilltheir roles.20 Presidents, vice-presidents, treasurers, andsecretaries soon were recognized as naat’áanii. They were endorsed asnaat’áanii because they possessed skills, knowledge, and had a political position. They were elected to help the community.
Democratically elected officials,council delegates, replaced the historical acknowledged naat’áanii. Thecouncil delegates were young and inexperienced. They were part of a new polityand had very little knowledge or understanding of the new government systemwhen it was first implemented in 1923. It was also male dominated. Diné womenwere not elected council delegates in the 1920s and 1930s. Since the 1920s, notmany Diné women have been elected to the council and no woman has been electedto the top government position (Chair of the tribal council or President of theNavajo Nation). Diné leadership shifted from a perspective where thenaat’áanii was a distinct title and few attain to individuals in contemporarypolitics being called naat’áanii. This shift reflected many changes happeningin Diné life. Jacob C. Morgan was one individual who epitomized this changein Diné leadership and way of life.
Morgan was born in 1879 nearpresent-day Crownpoint, New Mexico. He received a boarding school education. Infact, he spent many years of his life involved in the boarding schoolinstitution. He converted to the Christian Reform religion. His Christianzeal, belief in the boarding school education, hard work, and his willingnessto succeed in the American world represented his worldview and way of life. Hewanted Diné peoples to aspire to become middle-class white Americans.21He saw no contradiction between being Diné and wanting to aspire to live as awhite American man. He was ambitious and wanted to be a leader.
In the 1920s and 1930s, Dinépeoples responded to and respected Morgan. He became a council delegaterepresenting the Shiprock, New Mexico area. In 1938, he was elected to thetribal chairmanship position and served for four years. Morgan understood thepeople’s needs. He spent time visiting numerous communities throughout thereservation trying to convert people to the Christian Reform religion prior tobecoming a delegate. He talked, listened, and for the most part respectedpeoples’ perspectives. He also understood and promoted Navajo regionalism andwanted the people to self-determine their way of life mirroring an Americanlifestyle.
The 1920s and 1930s began an eraof a unified nation and ushered in western leadership styles. Morgan, with hisboarding school education and Christian Reform missionary work, believed in“educated Navajos” leading a new path for a new Navajo Nation while old ways suchas sheepherding was no longer applicable to the people. Morgan argued anddebated in the council sessions particularly with his elder Henry Chee Dodge,the BIA, and Commissioner of Indian Affiars John Collier. Morgan’s leadershipstyle of argument and debate was contrary to the past. In the past, people didnot argue or debate naat’áanii or an elder during discussions. According tocultural protocol, discussions on matters took place in the hogan and respectto all participants, particularly elders, was followed. A public argument wasrare in the hogan although it possibly took place. If a disagreement didoccur, discussion would continue until a consensus was reached. If a consensuscould not be reached, then the individual naat’áanii had a right to follow whathe/she felt was best for his community.
Usually, older Diné adults heldthe naat’áanii positions and protocol established how interaction took placewith them. Morgan learned how to argue and debate in school and he believedhis leadership style reflected the changes taking place in the world at thetime.22 Dodge and other older Diné disliked the fact Morgan openly disagreedand debated them. With a western leadership style, Morgan emerged as arecognized spokesman for the Shiprock area and an outsider to the BIA and thetribal council. Dodge often clashed with Morgan on federal government fundsand mineral lease royalties. Dodge wanted to use federal funds and leaseroyalties to purchase land in New Mexico while Morgan wanted to spend themonies for water development projects and assisting young “educated” Diné. Morgan wanted more opportunities for the young and to materially improve reservationlife.
While Morgan is not necessarilythe first Diné person to disregard cultural protocol regarding meeting conductand behavior, his political career shows the transition away from leadership asa function of the community. Diné leadership changes to where men,predominantly educated in western and American ways who argue and debate theissues for their own community’s sake, are seen as solely the naat’áanii. Naat’áanii starts to be equated to politicians. The comprehension ofnaat’áanii also starts to be defined within western political language. Naat’áaniias a distinct title for a selected few is no longer the case by the middle ofthe twentieth century and the generalization of the word manifests itself ineveryday language.
The subsequent leadership style intribal government followed the approach Morgan initiated. Soon, naat’áanii equatedto political leaders, chapter house officials, and individuals, viewed by the Dinépublic, with authority and power. While many Diné peoples use the word naat’áaniifor political leaders, other positions in the religious, education, and familysectors of life are still recognized as leaders too. Singers, diagnosticians, roadmen,preachers, principals, head teachers, eldest female and male of the extendedfamilies are leaders but they are not called naat’áanii; although, these menand women share a strong responsibility to help the community. Thisresponsibility is similar to what was expected of past naat’áanii. The personspeaks out for the sake of the peoples, acts to help the community, and helps afellow community member.
Conclusion
Diné peoples see men and women inthe educational field, the spiritual realm, and the professional ranks asleaders. Many people do not call them naat’áanii but use terminologies createdto designate the positions. In Diné, teacher is b1’0lta’7, singer is hataa[ii,warrior is naabaahii, diagnostician is nideilniihii, preacher is diyin bizaadyaahalne’í, roadman is ‘azee’ yee naha[1h7, and principal is ‘0lta’ binanit’a’7. These terms describe the actions of the individuals. The actions of thesepositions come with expectations and responsibilities. While the men and womenwho occupy these positions are not technically naat’áanii, they are part of thecommunities’ leadership and work for the welfare of the people.
Naat’áanii has a deep and honoredunderstanding for Diné peoples. Few Diné men and women in the past were calledby this term unless the community and/or Hashch’éí Dine’é bestowed this titleon them. Presently, Diné peoples use the term naat’áanii in a secular way whenin fact the word is sacred and supposed to be used rarely. The meaning of theterm and the usage embodies the era people lived however the people maintain aconnection to their history and the resiliency of their way of life.
In the twenty-first century, naat’áaniiis a combination of Diné history and contemporary ways. Naat’áanii can beunderstood in the present by recognizing Diné way of life is fluid. The wordno longer represents a distinct title but rather is a word that still garnersrespect however the cultural protocol on when, where, and to who has beenaltered for most of the people. The word can equate to how the Navajo Nationis rebuilding and the priorities of the Diné peoples. The term meaning andusage can represent these priorities with a connection always to the creationnarratives and to past history.
The Navajo Nation might want toconsider developing or contracting with Diné College or some other regionalcollege or university to create a distinctive leadership development programreflecting what naat’áanii meant and what is means now. The Navajo Nation andall Indigenous communities in the United States are rebuilding their nation. Leadership is key to this re-building. Without developing individuals, whoseprimary goal is the wellness and prosperity of the people, will hinder thisre-building process.
The core of a Diné leadershipprogram might incorporate some of the following strands: philosophy, way oflife, education, roles, ethics, and history. Diné leadership should be taughtusing these strands and others. The concept of a warrior does not mean leadernor does leader mean warrior. Diné peoples are specific and detailedcommunities when it comes to language, history, and culture. This explicitapproach can help create a curriculum model whose objective is to develop maleand female Diné leaders.
At the University of New Mexico(UNM), the Native American Studies (NAS) department is working on a Master of Artsprogram in Indigenous leadership for the twenty-first century. Some of theobjectives of the program include creating competent leaders; reinforcing,supporting, and strengthening leadership skills and character; and facilitatingrelevance of learning to individuals and communities.23 Anepistemological foundation the program can be grounded on include: (1) ways ofcoming to know, a tribe’s view of the nature of knowledge and learning; (2) guidingstories, guiding thoughts and core values; and (3) western concepts, indigenousleadership, embedded knowledge, symbols, metaphors, and orientations.24 The guiding virtues of a naat’áanii can fit into a leadership program whose epistemologicalfoundation and goals are similar to what UNM-NAS is hoping to establish.
The word naat’áanii is specialto Diné peoples. While the peoples’ way of life has changed, the peoples stillmaintain their cultural knowledge. This knowledge is detailed, deep, meaningful,and significant. Several aspects of Diné cultural knowledge continue. Thiscontinuation shows the resiliency of the people. It is with high hopes thedetailed aspects and depth of the word naat’áanii will persist well intothe future reflecting life’s fluidity.
Notes
1. AnCita Benally, Diné Binahat’á, Navajo Government (PhD diss., Arizona State University, 2006),xiv.
2. Ibid., 6.
3. Benally, Diné Binahat’á, Navajo Government, 9.
4. Ibid., 5.
5. Ibid., 11.
6. Ibid., 11.
7. David E. Wilkins, The Navajo Political Experience Revised Edition (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2003), 35.
8. Benally, Diné Binahat’á, Navajo Government, 26.
9. Wilkins, The Navajo Political Experience Revised Edition, 40.
10. Benally, Diné Binahat’á, Navajo Government, 28.
11. Peter Iverson, Diné: A History of the Navajos (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2002), 163.
12. Benally, Diné Binahat’á, Navajo Government, 34.
13. Ibid., 35.
14. Ibid., 35.
15. Ibid., 35.
16. Robert W. Young, A Political History of the Navajo Tribe (Tsaile, AZ: Navajo Community College Press, 1978), 28.
17. Ibid., 30.
18. Peter Iverson, Diné: A History of the Navajos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002), 134.
19. David E. Wilkins, Diné Bibeehaz’áanii: A Handbook of Navajo Government (Tsaile, AZ: Navajo Community College Press, 1987), 35.
20. Susan Severance-King, Leaders in a Leaderless Society: Understanding Navajo Community Leadership (New York: Peter Lang, 1996), 40.
21. Bruce James Gjeltema, Jacob Casimera Morgan and the development of Navajo nationalism (PhD Diss., University of New Mexico, 2004), 4.
22. Ibid., 5.
23. Gregory A. Cajete, “For the Good of the People: Creating Indigenous Leadership Programs in a 21st Century World.” (Unpublished article)
24. Ibid.